wisdom from March, 2008
Charles Bukowski
I should have been a monk.
Tom Engelhardt
So what exactly has the Bush Administration proven itself good at? The
twin skills of destruction and looting would stand at the top of any
list. Perhaps that's because it chose to put its "eggs" in only two
baskets--those of the US military and crony corporations. Awed by the
shock-and-awe force of forces that fell into their hands,
Administration officials moved to transfer as many powers of civil
governance as possible to the Pentagon. From diplomacy to disaster
relief, nation-building to intelligence gathering, an organization
built only to destroy was designated as the go-to outfit for activities
normally associated with those who have building in mind. At the same
time, the government was being staffed, top-to-bottom, with
ill-prepared political pals, while a small set of crony corporations,
of which Halliburton is certainly the best known, was given the nod in
every rebuilding situation. It really didn't matter where you looked,
they were the ones camped out, making money, on the landscape of
destruction. With their no-bid, cost-plus contracts, these companies
ran up the hours and then tended to jump ship when the going got bad.
The same corporations that had essentially looted Iraq--it was labeled
"reconstruction"--were the first ones called in when New Orleans went
down. (Of the initial six contracts the Bush Administration offered
for the reconstruction of the city, five went to companies previously
involved in Iraq's reconstruction program.) Unsurprisingly, the Bush
Administration has proved serially incapable of building anything,
even--in the long run--their own machine. And, from the Enron moment to
the Bear Stearns one, whenever it looked like the Titanic might have
hit an iceberg, it was a lock that those passengers assigned to the
limited places in the lifeboats wouldn't be from steerage (or be
weighed down with subprime mortgages). So rebuilding. No. Saving people
who aren't already friends. No. Doing a heck of a job in a crisis. No.
Joseph Conrad
I am too firm in consciousness of the marvelous to be ever fascinated by the mere supernatural.
Paul Theroux
He woke much too early . . . thinking of how he loathed medical doctors, their absurd authority, their bossy arrogance, their airs - you were familiar, they were formal; you were small, they were large: "Wait here, Slade; the doctor is busy at the moment." A doctor posed as a figure of power and wisdom, knowing how to ease pain and cure sickness and save lives. Those skills were like a higher form of plumbing, mastered by earnest drudges, yet they regarded themselves as shamans and did not want to be judged like ordinary mortals. They hated their learning to be called into question, and they never listened.
. . . .The pencil lead trembled against the paper then began paring at the page like a knife point. No other sound came from the doctor except the bump of her bare forearm on her desktop, like the skid of raw meat, a fat rind of cold pork slapped onto a butcher's block.
As she began to write, and it sounded like an indictment, her scraping the paper with her pencil point, Steadman inwardly objected again: another doctor dominating him, behaving as pompously as a priestess, hinting that she had power over life and death, knew the diagnosis for all mortal ills if not the cure, protective of the special language of illness, the code words of doom, a superstitious idiolect a lingo that was all about fear and flesh. He was supine; there was no sympathy there.
Gary Kamiya
It's not surprising that the right is using Wright to paint Barack Obama as a closet Farrakhan, trying to let the air out of his trans-racial balloon by insinuating that he's a dogmatic race man. But beyond the fake shock and the all-too-familiar racial politics, what the whole episode reveals is how narrow the range of acceptable discourse remains in this country. This is especially true of anything having to do with patriotism or 9/11 -- which have become virtually interchangeable. Wright's unforgivable sin was that he violated our rigid code of national etiquette. Instead of the requisite "God bless America," he said "God damn America." He said 9/11 was a case of chickens coming home to roost. Now we must all furrow our brows and agree that such dreadful words are anathema and that no presidential candidate can ever have been within earshot of them.
This is absurd. We're worrying about someone in Row 245 who refuses to stand up for "The Star Spangled Banner," while the people who are singing loudest and waving the biggest flags are the ones who got us into the mess we're in today.
Wright isn't the problem. Stupid patriotism is the problem.
. . . .Bill Clinton's line that McCain and Hillary are "two people who love their country" may or may not have been intended to subtly denigrate Obama's patriotism. But whatever it meant, it didn't have anything to do with the actual problems facing the country. Loving America more than your opponent does is not a qualification for higher office.
In fact, the same all-American flag-wavers who called loudest for war against Iraq are now denouncing Wright as a hate-monger and a traitor, and attacking Michelle Obama for saying that only recently has she had reason to feel proud of her country. They insist that anyone who is not permanently proud of the United States, whose patriotism isn't plastered on his or her face like the frozen smile of a beauty queen waving from a Fourth of July float, is beyond the pale. Never mind that the glorious results of their debased version of patriotism -- 4,000 American troops dead, a wrecked Iraq, and a greatly strengthened terrorist enemy -- are plain for all to see.
. . . .Today, after five years of a catastrophic war driven by patriotic vengeance, it's still not acceptable to disturb the myth of eternal American innocence. As David Bromwich wrote in a recent piece in the New York Review of Books, "the uniformity of the presentation by the mass media after 2001, to the effect that the United States now faced threats arising from a fanaticism with religious roots unconnected to anything America had done or could do, betrayed a stupefying abdication of judgment." Stupefying indeed: Patriotism has proved to be a stronger opiate of the people than religion.
Paul Theroux
The travel book was a bore. It annoyed me that a traveller hid his or her moments of desperation or fear or lust. Or the time he or she screamed at the taxi driver, or mocked the folk dancers. And what did they eat, what books did they read to kill time, and what were the toilets like? I had done enough travelling to know that half of travel was delay or nuisance - buses breaking down, hotel clerks being rude, market peddlers being rapacious. The truth of travel was interesting and off-key, and few people ever wrote about it.
Most
travel writing was about vacations and comforts, not real journeys and
ordeals. So the very words "travel writing" were debased to the point
where I hated to use them, but what else was there, and how could I
reclaim them? Now and then one would meet the real thing in a book:
Evelyn Waugh mistaken for his brother Alex in Labels; Naipaul's
explosions of bad temper in An Area of Darkness; the "I hate Mexicans"
parts of Greene's The Lawless Roads; or the human encounters, full of
dialogue, in Anthony Trollope's The West Indies and the Spanish Main.
In these and other cases, something human happens and was recorded.
That seemed to me the point of travel writing.
. . . .The travel books I liked were oddities, not only Greene and Trollope, but Henry Miller's The Air-Conditioned Nightmare (across America, coast to coast by car) and Mark Twain's Following the Equator (lecture tours around the world).
. . . .I never got around to worrying about the trip itself, though I was beset by an obscure ache that was both mental and physical - the lingering anxiety that I was going to die. I had always felt that my exit would be made via an Appointment in Samarra - that I would go a great distance and endure enormous and pointless discomfort in order to meet my death. If I chose to sit at home and eat and drink, it would never happen. I imagined myself in a silly accident, like that of the monk, writer and poet Thomas Merton, at last leaving his monastery in Kentucky after 27 years and accidentally electrocuting himself on the frayed wires of an electric fan in Bangkok a week later.
. . . .
Almost immediately, as the boat train headed to Folkestone, I felt I had made an absurd mistake. I hadn't the slightest idea what I was doing. I became very gloomy, and to cheer myself up and convince myself that this was indeed work, I began to take voluminous notes. From the moment I left until the night I arrived back in London almost four months later - homesick most of the time - I filled one notebook after another. I wrote everything down - conversations, descriptions of people and places, details of trains, interesting trivia, even criticisms of the novels I happened to be reading. I still have some of those books, and on the blank back pages of the paperbacks of Joyce's Exiles, Chekhov's stories, Endo's Silence and others I had scribbled insectile notes, which I amplified when I transferred them to my large notebooks. I always wrote in the past tense.
On returning home, I found that in my absence I had been replaced in my wife's affections by another man. "I pretended you were dead," she said. This was something horrible to me, especially in my fragile mental state at the end of this difficult trip. My wife tried to reassure me - she loved me again - but I was inconsolable, feeling angry and betrayed. I looked for refuge in my book and through the weird alchemy that turns misery to humour, much of what I wrote was comedy.
Andrew Sullivan
Yes, the incompetence and arrogance were beyond anything I imagined. In 2000, my support for Bush was not deep. I thought he was an OK, unifying, moderate Republican who would be fine for a time of peace and prosperity. I was concerned—ha!—that Gore would spend too much. I was reassured by the experience and intelligence and pedigree of Cheney and Rumsfeld and Powell. Two of them had already fought and won a war in the Gulf. The bitter election battle hardened my loyalty. And once 9/11 happened, my support intensified as I hoped for the best. Bush's early speeches were magnificent. The Afghanistan invasion was defter than I expected. I got lulled. I wanted him to succeed—too much, in retrospect.
But my biggest misreading was not about competence. Wars are often marked by incompetence. It was a fatal misjudgment of Bush's sense of morality. I had no idea he was so complacent—even glib—about the evil that good intentions can enable. I truly did not believe that Bush would use 9/11 to tear up the Geneva Conventions. When I first heard of abuses at Gitmo, I dismissed them as enemy propaganda. I certainly never believed that a conservative would embrace torture as the central thrust of an anti-terror strategy and lie about it, and scapegoat underlings for it, and give us the indelible stain of Bagram and Camp Cropper and Abu Ghraib and all the other secret torture and interrogation sites that Bush and Cheney created and oversaw. I certainly never believed that a war I supported for the sake of freedom would actually use as its central weapon the deepest antithesis of freedom—the destruction of human autonomy and dignity and will that is torture. To distort this by shredding the English language, by engaging in newspeak that I had long associated with totalitarian regimes, was a further insult. And for me, it was yet another epiphany about what American conservatism had come to mean.
I know our enemy is much worse. I have never doubted that. I still have no qualms whatever in waging war to defeat it. But I never believed that America would do what America has done. Never. My misjudgment at the deepest moral level of what Bush and Cheney and Rumsfeld were capable of—a misjudgment that violated the moral core of the enterprise—was my worst mistake. What the war has done to what is left of Iraq—the lives lost, the families destroyed, the bodies tortured, the civilization trashed—was bad enough. But what was done to America—and the meaning of America—was unforgivable. And for that I will not and should not forgive myself.
Kingsley Amis
When that ineffable compound of depression, sadness (these two are not
the same), anxiety, self-hatred, sense of failure and fear for the
future begins to steal over you, start telling yourself that what you
have is a hangover. You are not sickening for anything, you have not
suffered a minor brain lesion, you are not all that bad at your job,
your family and friends are not leagued in a conspiracy of barely
maintained silence about what a shit you are, you have not come at last
to see life as it really is, and there is no use crying over spilt milk
Eric Sofge
. . . .What's wrong with Dungeons & Dragons? It plays like a video game. A good role-playing game provides the framework for a unique kind of narrative, a collaborative thought experiment crossed with improvisational theater. But D&D, particularly the first edition that Gygax co-wrote in 1975, makes this sort of creative play an afterthought. The problem is most apparent in one of Gygax's central (and celebrated) innovations: "experience points." To become a more powerful wizard, a sneakier thief, or an elfier elf (being an elf was its own profession in early editions, which is kind of like saying being Chinese is a full-time job), you need to gain "levels," which requires experience points. And the best way to get experience points is to kill stuff. Every monster, from an ankle-biting goblin to a massive fire-spewing dragon, has a specific number of points associated with it—your reward for hacking it to pieces. So while it's one player's job—the so-called Dungeon Master—to come up with the plot for each gaming session and play the parts of the various enemies and supporting characters, in practice that putative storyteller merely referees one imagined slaughter after another. This is not Tolkien's Middle-Earth, with its anti-fascist political commentary and yearning for an end to glory and the triumph of peace. This is violence without pretense, an endless hobgoblin holocaust.
Here's the narrative arithmetic that Gygax came up with: You come across a family of sleeping orcs, huddled around their overflowing chest of gold coins and magical weapons. Why do orcs and other monsters horde gold when they can't buy anything from the local "shoppes," or share a jug of mead in the tavern, or do anything but gnash their teeth in the darkness and wait for someone to show up and fight them? Who knows, but there they are, and you now have a choice. You can let sleeping orcs lie and get on with the task at hand—saving a damsel, recovering some ancient scepter, whatever. Or you can start slitting throats—after all, mercy doesn't have an experience point value in D&D. It's the kind of atrocity that commits itself.
. . . .There is a way to wring real creativity, and possibly even artistic merit, from this bizarre medium—and it has nothing to do with Gygax and his tradition of sociopathic storytelling. In the mid-1980s, right around the time that Gygax was selling off his company, Steve Jackson began publishing the Generic Universal Roleplaying System, or GURPS. Jackson's goal was to provide the rules to play games in any genre. More importantly, characters in this new system could be fleshed out down to the smallest detail, from a crippling phobia of snakes to a severe food allergy. And when it came to experience points, characters got whatever the "gamemaster" decided. They might earn points for succeeding at a given task or simply for playing their character in a compelling way. Of course, players could still take out their real-life bitterness in a fictional killing spree, and the game master might end up with a bumbling and incoherent story line. But GURPS created the potential for so much more.
William Gibson
If
there's any one thing about England that Cayce finds fundamentally
disturbing, it is how "class" works -- a word with a very different
mirrorworld meaning, somehow. She's long since given up trying to
explain this to English friends.
The closest she can come is that it's somewhat akin, for her, if only in its enormity, to how the British seem to feel about certain American attitudes to firearms ownership -- which they generally find unthinkable, and bafflingly, self-evidently wrong, and so often leading to a terrible and profligate waste of human life. And she knows what they mean, but also knows how deeply it runs, the gun thing, and how unlikely it is to change. Except, perhaps, gradually, and over a very long time. Class in England is like that, for her.
Mostly she manages to ignore it, though there's a certain way they can have, on first meeting, of sniffing another's caste out, that gives her the willies.
Katherine, her therapist, had suggested that it might in fact be because it was such a highly codified behavior, as were all of the areas of human activity around which Cayce suffered such remarkable sensitivity. And it is, highly codified; they look at one another's shoes first, she's convinced, and Lucian Greenaway has just done that to Ngemi.
And doesn't like them.
Daniel Gross
. . . .now, thanks to widespread incompetence, American management is on
its way to becoming an international laughingstock. Faith in American
financial sobriety has been widely undermined by the subprime mess. The
very mention of the strong-dollar policy now elicits raucous bouts of
knee-slapping in even the most sober Swiss banks. (How do you say schadenfreude in German?) Earlier this month, as oil hovered near $100 a barrel,
President Bush complained to OPEC about high oil prices. OPEC President
Chakib Khelil responded acidly that crude's remarkable run had nothing
to do with the reluctance of Persian Gulf nations to pump oil, and
everything to do with the "mismanagement of the U.S. economy." Since
Bush's plea, oil has gushed to $110 per barrel. (How do you say schadenfreude in Arabic?)
Americans abroad are constantly taunted by perceived failings of American management. America's aviation system is now the butt of jokes because 9-year-olds have become accustomed to removing their Heelys before boarding a plane. As my family and I passed through the snaking security line in Cancún, Mexico's airport last month, we were harangued by a security guard who encouraged tourists to sing along with him: "Please. Do not. Remove. Your shoes."
The concern extends
beyond airlines to America's industrial complex. Doubtful of the
ability of provincial American executives, with their limited language
skills, to negotiate today's global business environment, the boards of
massive U.S. firms like Coca-Cola, Pepsi-Cola, Alcoa, and insurer AIG
have hired foreign-born CEOs.
Carl Icahn, the 1980s corporate raider, has reinvented himself as a
borscht-belt comedian/activist investor, who delights conferences and
reporters with jokes at CEOs' expense. On a recent 60 Minutes, Icahn complained to Lesley Stahl about the incompetence of American management. "I see our country going off a cliff, and I feel bad about it."
Rumi
Those spiritual window-shoppers,
who idly ask, 'How much is that?' Oh, I'm just looking.
They handle a hundred items and put them down,
shadows with no capital.
What is spent is love and two eyes wet with weeping.
But these walk into a shop,
and their whole lives pass suddenly in that moment,
in that shop.
Where did you go? "Nowhere."
What did you have to eat? "Nothing much."
Even if you don't know what you want,
buy _something,_ to be part of the exchanging flow.
Start a huge, foolish project,
like Noah.
It makes absolutely no difference
what people think of you.

I have a pet theory that a necessary condition for being an academic philosopher is also being a profound failure. Philosophers of science and metaphysicians are failed scientists. Epistemologists are failed psychologists and lawyers. Philosophers of language are failed linguistics. Aestheticians are failed painters/musicians/filmmakers/etc. Philosophers of math and logicians are failed mathematicians. Philosophers of logic are failed reasoners. And ethicists are failed human beings.
The point is, these outlandish possible worlds systematically allow people to justify courses of action that should not be justified. We can't know if we really are in a ticking bomb scenario (and there is no evidence that there ever has been such a case, even in countries like Israel subject to a tremendous amount of terrorism), so once you use that rational you start torturing every time you think you might be in such a case. Given the nature of administrative evil, the slippery slope gets slid down.



My third best friend invited me to dinner after a day we'd spent watching Woody Allen movies in his house. We were on the last one while his Mom was cooking. It was "Love and Death," Allen's fantastic early send-up of 19th century Russian novels. I was in the bathroom during the scene where Allen's character has hung himself (he gets better) and starts to think of all the things he is going to miss. He gives all sorts of characteristic romantic reasons (e.g. the beauty of the tundra, discussing philosophy into the late hours of the morning, etc.), but in the middle of this, one of the things he lists is "oral sex." It's very funny. Unfortunately my friend's mom (a devout evangelical) heard those words coming out of her T.V. set and literally started screaming as if someone was assaulting her. As soon as I could extricate myself from the bathroom (and its suffocating presence of "pot pourri" spray, plug in air-freshener, and bowl of dried flowers) my friend and I ran out of the house to the nearest Burger King. Not only did I not get a free meal, but I never got my tape of "Love and Death" back.
over in Fall of 08 at which point I will be back at LSU in the trenches. The last semester at LSU I had a ridiculous amount of skipping in my classes and a ridiculous amount of late work. In the past I've always been incredibly laissez faire about that, reasoning that the important thing was that the work was the best the student could do and that good late work is better than bad on time work. But with the expansion in class sizes at LSU and students' increasing tendency to avail themselves of my lenience, this is now creating so much extra work for me that I didn't get any research done during the last semester. And my contract stipulates that half my work time is supposed to be research (which is weird because according to the contract the other half is teaching, even though service is part of what determines retention, raises, and promotion). I'm also not convinced that the freedom is producing better work at this point. Deadlines are a good thing. And the vast majority of students who miss over half the class periods are not going to learn very much, even if they can game the grading such that it doesn't effect them horribly.
Makeups- No makeups will be given. Instead, the portion of your grade that would have been determined by that test is added to the final exam (which is cumulative).
Specific Disruptions policy- Laptops will remain shut in the classroom. Unless you must cover your face for religious reasons, hats will be removed in the classroom.No food, gum, or tobacco in the classroom. Newspapers and books not related to the course material will not be accessed during class time. Cellphones must be turned off and text messaging is not allowed (an exception is made for people with dependents or who are like to have to deal with an emergency in class; such people must set their phones to vibrate and leave class before answering the calls).

Well, I'm very sad. NY-Times explanation of his importance 




On the other side is Professor Angrypants.
Professor Angrypants
uses the anonymity as a bad person uses Plato’s invisibility granting
Ring of Gyges, to take pleasure in terrorizing those who cannot know
his or her
identity. Rhetorically, Angrypants always presents him or
herself as just objectively explaining to the editor the myriad reasons
the
editor should not publish the article, though the astounding level of
misplaced condescention (strangely, almost always redolant of the
manner in which twits and gits put down others according ot the
assholery standards of the British class system) is a red light for
editors in search of this. Unfortunately though, the process of
blind refereeing is set up just because (in the vast majority of cases)
the
editor cannot be a specialist in all of the areas in which the journal
in
question publishes, and because the editor cannot possibly read all of
the
articles submitted. Thus, Professor Angrypants can resort to
breathtaking
sophism and uncharity and get away with it if he or she is rhetorically
skilled
enough. Every published author has suffered multiple times at
Angrypants’ hand. Many professors are surprised when they inadvertantly
learn that one or more of their colleagues is actually Professor
Angrypants (albeit it is from such incidents that we have ascertained
that Angrypants' behavior is almost always the result of overwhelming
vanity, unjustified professional dissatisfaction, combined with other
forms of jerkiness).
In between the Good Samaritan and Professor Angrypants is
Joe Friday, who really does in a straightforward way present “just the facts”
to the editor. The paradigm Joe Friday reviewer is very good at telling the
editor what claims are being argued for and assessing the extent to which they
have been successfully established according to the standards of the journal in
question.
Here
I want to defend the claim that all blind reviewers should try to be
Good Samaritans. It is perhaps not so strange that this claim strikes
some as common sense and provokes a great deal of defensive hostility
in others. 
